Despite the sectarian violence and threats of Taliban the turnout was at 60 percent, as against the 48 percent during 2008 general elections, which chose to elect for another five years, a patient man from the Sargodha constituency and his party, Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N) that won 124 seats (116 direct seats in Punjab and just about 8 in rest of 3 provinces) of the total 272, just about 13 seats short of a majority.

This makes it a third win for PML-N and this time against outgoing Asif Zardari’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) that stands trounced due to anti-incumbency, with a mere 29 direct seats in Sindh and 2 in Punjab, down from 88 in 2008.

The third largest number of votes was garnered by another emerging political dynamo, Imran Khan (cricketer-turned-politician) of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) whose ‘tsunami’ worked well only within the confines of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

And while Sindh chose the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and PPP, Balochistan, known for its deadly insurgency and counter-insurgency strife, produced Pashtun nationalist party Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PMAP) as its winner with 10 seats followed by PML-N, Jamiat Ulema Islam-F and 9 independents.

Just as the election was unique in its way that one could not envision outcomes, the picture is equally hazy on goods that the new national government can deliver as regional powers are expected to wield their decisive powers at every step of the term and then there will be the PPP and its allies, in the Senate or Upper House, whose cooperation will be mandatory for gaining passage for any legislation.

Another important bearing on policy formation and reforms if any would be the religious and conservatism forces that already made their mark felt in the rhetoric and divide of the clashing potentates.

Perhaps a past brush with the military may have imbued in Sharif a personal leaning for the democratic but he cannot be expected to overlook compulsions of building consensus with political partners, judiciary and the army.

Without doubt Sharif’s government will have a formidable task trying to save the country from ravages of an economic crisis – issues related to corruption, power and water demand, poverty issues, balance of payment, debts, law and order, Taliban and sectarian threats – besides devolving powers and resources to provinces as per recent constitutional amendments, ensuring at par treatment to all provinces while curbing tendencies of a Punjabi preponderance, and improving ties with the immediate neighbor, India, and restraining its homegrown jehadi forces and military from further misadventures that have earned nothing but disapproval from the U.S.

Experts hope that as long as he is able to keep a track of the country’s expenditures and is largely focused in economic sectors rather than the army he might be able to do what is expected of him.

As far as relations with India are concerned, in the run up to the polls the PML-N chief had expressed his desire to reinstate the India-Pakistan peace process derailed by former Army Chief Pervez Musharraf who was also the mastermind of a military coup against Sharif.

It is a no-brainer that normalization of ties with India is a sure way to lure investments that in turn would enable Pakistan to bolster its own economy and development in an exponential way and implement energy pipeline projects for both countries from a land locked but resource-rich Central Asia.

Quite in line with his often-repeated wish Sharif has directed the Pakistan-India Joint Business Council to plan six committees for liberalization of trade and facilitation of infrastructure issues in many sectors and allowed for a tribunal-led investigation into last month’s killing of Sarabjit Singh in Kot Lakhpat jail.

(Sarabjit Singh, an Indian national was a prisoner in Pakistan, was awarded death sentence for his alleged role in a bomb blast in Lahore that killed 14 people. He was attacked by Pakistani inmates and later died. His death heightened tensions between the two countries and a so-called ‘retaliatory’ attack took place in an Indian jail that left Sanaullah Ranjay, a Pakistani national, prisoned in India, dead.)

It is not as if Sharif’s intentions have been lost upon India that has welcomed its neighbor’s first ever transition from one legitimately elected government to another when Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh congratulated Sharif for his win and thus earned an invitation to his swearing-in ceremony.

However for India it may do well to temper its enthusiasm as Pakistan is a country whose history is marred with innumerable instances of military establishment interrupting democracy on the ruse of saving the nation of its corrupt elected leaders and whose army finds raison dêtre in the ‘looming threat from a nuclear India’ and thus abhors the idea of relinquishing its hold and influence on policy matters related to India.

Army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani may have publicly acknowledged that, “The armed forces are fully behind the democratic government and had worked hard for ensuring democracy,” but in private he is known to have advised Sharif to go slow in his approach toward India and consider all “geopolitical challenges which have cropped up in last decade of Sharif’s absence from South Asia’’ and of which he shall be apprised of soon enough.

Yet from the thumping victory that Sharif won, it appears that he should be able to translate this good news into substantial good for his countrymen and India in the failure of which an overeager Imran Khan may be more than eager to deliver the same in the next term.